After noon, at the same time as the funeral of Carlos Pedro Blaquier In the Jardín de Paz de Pilar cemetery, the leadership of the Industrial Union (UIA) stood up in the central hall of the Avenida de Mayo headquarters to hold a minute of silence on behalf of the recently deceased owner of the Ledesma sugar factory, one of the businessmen most linked to civil collaboration with the military dictatorship.
It was requested by the head of the entity, Daniel Funes de Rioja, who is also head of the Coordinator of Food Producers (COPAL) in which Ledesma is. All those present followed him, with no room for resistance, but there were some unexpressed discomforts that were later communicated among themselves. Many critics of Blaquier’s actions, however, kept to themselves because the scenario in the UIA is complex and the greats took control again just as the presidential elections approached and the giants bid for the return of Together for Change.
The climate in the entity is so strange that the news that the news that Paolo Rocca, owner of Techintagreed on Wall Street to pay 9.5 million dollars for having concealed from New York investors details of the bribes paid in the Cuadernos case.
Many remembered when the current Secretary of Production, José Ignacio De Mendiguren, denounced Techint’s proscription of his candidacy in the UIA and left in a fiery speech with the phrase “I never paid bribes”, which today takes on more meaning. On March 27, meanwhile, Patricia Bullrich will visit the entity and a few days ago she went to a reserved meeting Martin Redradotoday a larretismo official, to warn that he is the man with whom you have to talk about the mayor’s economic campaign.
The plays of the “helicopter man”
The establishment is experiencing moments of internal upheaval as politics begins to drift towards the definition of a new President. And some seem more in a hurry than others to play their chips. A mini storm broke out in the Council of Commerce and Production (CICYP) when La Rural asked that the first guest of the year at the lunches with politicians at the Hotel Alvear be nothing more and nothing less than Mauricio Macri.
“But listen to me, He is not an official, he is not a candidate and his force is not rulingyou must love it, but it does not correspond nor does it make sense,” a businessman from the laboratories told Marcos Jorge Celedonio Pereda Born, vice president of the Rural Society and head of CICYP since last year. Born was one of the most important financiers of macrismo in the 2019 election and especially of María Eugenia Vidal in the governorship.
The decision shook everyone, since Cicyp is made up of businessmen from all sectors who try to invite balanced people. Some told him that if he wants someone from Juntos, let it be Patricia Bullrich or Horacio Rodríguez Larreta “who are pre-candidates.” But the rest insist that it should be someone from the Government of Alberto Fernández on the first of the April lunch. The toughest with Pereda Born were the heads of the Group of Six (UIA, ADEBA, La Bolsa, CAC, CAMARCO and the countryside). There is one there that plays strong that is Jorge Brito, the owner of the Macro bank, today closer to Larreta and Sergio Massa. He describes Macri as “part of the past”. The dispute is open.
Cavallo, noventismo and Milei’s numbers
“It’s good to have someone with political, economic and management experience,” said Mario Natalio Grinmann, head of the Argentine Chamber of Commerce (CAC). Curiously, many of the merchants present applauded him. The reference was for Sunday Felipe Cavallothe former minister of Menem and De La Rua who synthesized the destruction of the productive apparatus and preceded the 2001 crisis.
Cavallo went to the CAC this week to talk more than anything about economics but he praised the level of noventismo in the blood of javier milei, the Libertarian candidate who appears to be the Cinderella of the presidential election. Although the businessmen are more akin to other candidates, they look askance at them because of some numbers about Milei that today they manage in the Frente de Todos and in Juntos por el Cambio, the latter totally dependent on the performance of the libertarian.
It measures 5 points of intention to vote in Chubut, 20 in Entre Ríos, 25 in Neuquén, 15 in the northern provinces and 15 in the province of Buenos Aires. If so, the PRO has to set sail for him to fall from here at STEP or he will have serious problems.
