“We just tried to kill Cristina,” Nicolás Carrizo wrote to a certain “Kevin Bargas 2” at 11:17 p.m. on September 1, that is, two hours after the assassination attempt. “My employee. He wanted to shoot him. He’s going to jail,” continued the owner of the machine for making sugar flakes, alluding to Fernando Sabag Montiel. “The weapon is mine, friend. I swear to God. We are with the group. All together,” he added. And he redoubled emboldened: “So that the government knows who they are messing with. Well friend, the one who is going to kill her will surely be a friend or it will be me. Remember this date. This hdp is already dead.”
The shocking phrases appeared in an analysis of Carrizo’s cell phone carried out by the General Directorate of Investigations and Technological Support for Criminal Investigation (DATIP), an organ of the Public Prosecutor’s Office. CFK’s complaint detected them, but It seems that the court of María Eugenia Capuchetti until now had been overlooked despite the fact that the report has been in the case for a month. For the vice president’s lawyers, José Manuel Ubeira and Marcos Alzazabal, The finding shows that Carrizo, far from being joking – as he wanted to argue in his investigation – had a role as a “leader in planning the attack” and that he operated an “illicit association”, figure that they ask for the first time to be applied. They aim to stop treating this issue like any other crime and to investigate it in its institutional dimension. They required the court to reinvestigate Carrizo as a co-author of the attempted murder (instead of an accomplice) as well as Sabag Montiel and Brenda Uliarte, since these and other conversations had not been included in the previous interrogations.
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner herself shared the judicial presentation on her Twitter account. “The message you are seeing (“We just tried to kill Cristina”) comes from the cell phone of Nicolás Carrizo, the third detainee for the attempted murder at the door of my house. The conversations he had that same night with his contacts prove his role as a co-author,” CFK wrote. The letter again warns that Capuchetti does not investigate the clues about “Nueva Centro Derecha”, the Hernán Carrol group, and about Gerardo Milman, but that even “while he was making decisions that frustrated the investigations” against both his “court had become scene” of a parade of witnesses for Carrizo’s defense who “had studied his scripts” and did not delve into anything regarding the trio that he made up with Sabag Montiel and Uliarte. The letter asks Capuchetti to “stop discarding lines of investigation and do what the law tells him he must do: precisely find out the truth.”
In the exchange with “Kevin Bargas 2”, Carrizo forwards a chat with Uliarte, who already knew each other, where he tells her “we’re all together, fuck Cristina” and the woman replies that next time she would shoot. Then the man from the business of the sugar flakes says to his interlocutor –who is still not identified–: “You don’t know what we did with this. Generate fear”. It is a speech identical to the one that was heard from the mouths of the members of the Federal Revolution, in their “live” Twitter Spaces, a matter that continues to be processed in a separate case. Also in tune with that ultra-right organization, to the intentions to kill adds a dismissal plan: “We are thinking of killing the head of the Cámpora and the head of the mobilization of the left. Kill Cristina. To force the president to resign. He and all his mobilization”.
These messages complement each other like a puzzle with others that were incorporated into the file, in reports from the Airport Security Police (PSA), but they allow us to confirm hypotheses and add characters. Carrizo had told his stepsister, Andrea Posadas, about the gun. At first she told him that the weapon was hers, but hours later she informed him with some relief that it was someone else’s. He, he said, had given them “a short .22” and the pistol that Sabag Montiel carried was a Bersa. He had also told his other stepbrother, who was listed as Jony White (he is Jonathan Posadas) that they wanted to “kill the boss of the Cámpora.” In messages that are just now known, he tells her: “Jona, I’m really screwed. My employee tried to kill Cristina. He pointed a gun at her. And they’re going to open an investigation. I have to take the stick. We’re screwed”. He forwards the same conversation with Uliarte that he had sent to “Kevin” and tells him, at 10:42 p.m.: “That’s why the weapon is mine. I hope nothing goes wrong.”
Carrizo tells a user who appears as “Sol vecina” that he had set up a group of “liberal ideology” and that is why he was suspicious. His defense had insisted that the WhatsApp group, called “Girosos”, was for nights out. On August 31, the day before the attack, Sabag Montiel said there: “I want to kill Cristina…” . Another member of the so-called “drinks” group, who had come forward to testify as a witness, Miguel Angel Castro Riglos, gloated over the internal dialogue: “Liso giroso in the end made Argentine politics unstable.” “We literally achieved the impossible, we put instability in the country,” he added. Even so, Capuchetti had ruled out his participation.
–Honestly, if they lower Cristina, they lower the Cámpora; and with this we give a terrible blow to the government, it has already been warned–, Carrizo was fattening.
He also talks to a person who appears as “Lia”, a few hours after the attack, around midnight. She tells him that Sabag is her employee, she sends him three deleted messages and Carrizo sends her photos of Sabag Montiel. She boasts: “You have no idea of the group I formed. If things go well, I’m going to finish the job”. She says it after criticizing Sabag because he “didn’t give her a reload” (the bullet was not in the chamber of the Bersa that was kidnapped). “He’s an asshole,” she said. To the contact listed as “Cousin Vero”, Carrizo also said: “It’s a blow we gave the government” and “it’s going to get worse.”
The complaint requested as a measure that all the people with whom Carrizo exchanged messages be identified and summoned to testify. He stated that there is no doubt, with all the new material, that Carrizo participated in the planning of the attack. Until now he was accused of having delivered a weapon despite the fact that he had told his stepsister “This was planned for a week from now, he did everything wrong, he’s an asshole (for Sabag) (…) we are determined to kill that bitch, Cristina is afraid, it went wrong but she is afraid”. Revealed messages, where other people are told something similar, confirm its central role. That is why they insist that he be charged as a co-author. They analyze that the objective went even further than assassinating CFK, they wanted to destabilize. Sabag Montiel looked for work in Recoleta, as well as an apartment, and also in Santa Cruz, the text says. “The illicit association had a more oiled and complex operation than was known up to now,” says the complaint.
The lawyers maintain that in this case it is pertinent to apply the figure of illicit association -although the Buenos Aires federal justice usually uses it “to persecute people they do not like”- because, according to the Court, it is used for situations in which a group of people organizes to affect public order.
The complaint draws attention to how a string of Carrizo witnesses who incurred in contradictions and everything happened without pain or glory was admitted. Andrea, Carrizo’s half-sister, said that she found out about the attack on TV, but the other half-brother, Jonathan, said that she found out from a call from Carrizo and told his sister. Phone records show that the one who called the flake man was Jonathan. In the chats, Andrea tells Carrizo that she should not worry because the weapon did not have her fingerprints: her explanation was that she wanted him to stop “fucking around because she had to get me up early and it was late.” In her messages, the woman told her: “Mom said come here, she will help you” and then she declared that she was alone in the house. Jonathan and other witnesses close to Carrizo insisted on the theory of his alleged black humor to try to help him. But also, among the witnesses almost identical phrases were repeated to say that “Carrizo was a good person” or “he is not evil” or “not a violent person.” A witness said that he sold flakes with Carrizo when leaving the schools, from Thursday to Sunday, which is not very logical, and that he had enough money to “pass it on to the mothers (of his children) and go out with us.” in contradiction with one of the ex-partners, Yaquelin Riga Murga Mamani, who said that he was in breach of his food obligations.
the track carroll
Hernán Carrol is the name of a leader of the “Nueva Centro Derecha” group –in relation to Patricia Bullrich and Javier Milei among others– who appeared in the case when Sabag Montiel asked in a handwritten note that he take care of getting him and pay a private attorney. Carrol had done a “live” on Instagram with Brenda Uliarte and then invited her to the birthday of her friend Martín Almeida where she went with Sabag, on August 20. The court took this track with a month of delay. When she called Carrol as a witness, he seized her cell phone and left her another. The device he handed over had the content erased from the previous day. Now a report from the Directorate of Judicial Assistance in Complex Crimes and Organized Crime (DAJuDeCO) on November 8 that analyzed the geolocation of Carrol’s cell phone shows a striking coincidence with that of Brenda Uliarte, her cousin Martín and Sabag Montiel on days 1, August 6 and 22 (in addition to the 20). Martín Uliarte is a Buenos Aires police officer and his superiors would have told him that he did not speak to Brenda, but that is not true. On August 4, Carrol received a communication that had an impact on the area where Carrizo had declared domicile in Morón.
The complaint requests that the court review its position regarding Carrol, search his home and seize all his devices. I also asked that Uliarte’s possible participation in a Nueva Centro Derecha march be investigated.
In the search at Uliarte’s house, a manuscript had been found that spoke about Tueller’s Rule, a protocol taught in police schools in the United States, which establishes that 6.4 meters is the minimum distance to be able to defend oneself from effectively with a firearm, and that Patricia Bullirch and Gerardo Milman tried to install in the country. The complaint asks to establish who wrote the text, what is its origin and links to pages that replicate it.
the milman track
CFK’s complaint once again requests that the cell phones of the two collaborators of congressman Gerardo Milman who were with him at the Casablanca confectionery be seized when a witness heard him say: “when they kill her I’ll be on my way to the coast.” One of them, Carolina Gómez Mónaco, is the former Miss Argentina 2012 who directed the Intelligence School of the Security portfolio. It turns out that they had a business, Top Studios, with María Alejandra Mroue, a panelist on the first Crónica TV program where they interviewed Uliarte and Sabag Montiel. Ubeira and Aldazabal ask to also kidnap Mroue’s cell phone. It is clear that one of Milman’s advisers – the deputy who announced the attack on CFK in a draft resolution, saying that it would be a self-attack and that he was asking for information about his custody – would have a relationship with a person who treated Uliarte. However, nothing has been explored in this regard until now.
The letter adds another matter: “We have learned that, once his possible involvement in the attack was made public, Gerardo Milman asked the human resources staff of the Chamber of Deputies to terminate the contracts of some of his advisers. This was revealed by the C5N channel on November 7. This is, once again, highly suspicious. Why didn’t Milman want it to be known who worked for him? The case of Fernando Daga, who would be the partner of Gómez Mónaco in his company, an aesthetics and body beauty center in which they would have invested millions. Why doesn’t Milman want it to be known who that person is? Why, if he handled the sums of money that he seems to handle, did he have a contract of adviser in Congress?”, they raise. They require the Human Resources Department of Deputies to report the entire list of Milman advisers and the type of contract.