Aznar and Feijóo vindicate Fraga on his centenary and part of the PSOE calls him "assassin minister"

He’s back Manuel Fraga Iribarne. Fragabarne, which they told him in the Transition. With all his broad shoulders, a faithful metaphor for his superlative character. Because Fraga, hackneyed is the phrase, had the State in his head, it is true; but at the same time the State had Fraga everywhere. Minister of the dictatorship, father of the Constitution, re-founder of the democratic right, MEP, head of the opposition, regional president, senator.

Today is the hundredth anniversary of his birth (11-23-1922, Villalba). Son of a mayor Rivera’s cousin and a Basque-French woman. The firstborn in a family of twelve siblings. The People’s Party –Feijóo Y Aznar to the head – have launched to vindicate him, while Pedro Sanchez he is silent and a part of the PSOE calls him a “minister of a murderous dictator”.

As it has been happening since Shoemaker approved the Historical Memory Law, the ephemeris become a matter of culture war. And Fraga contains all the elements to light up a stark battle. His evolutionary trajectory, braided with authoritarian and open-minded blows, always placed him on a gray scale until he became, definitively, the father of the Constitution. And the gray is colored with very black paints and very white paints.

José María Aznar is one of the people who knew him best. When his mentor died in 2011, he said: “My life is not understood without Fraga.” In conversation with this newspaper, he points out: “I gladly vindicate his historical legacy, which was undoubtedly important and relevant for Spain.”

Something happens to the PSOE with Fraga that does not happen with Adolfo Suarez, despite the fact that the first president of Democracy also held positions of responsibility during the dictatorship. Ferraz is officially silent about the legacy of the person who signed the 1978 Constitution, but he is capable of articulating good adjectives about the UCD leader. In the last decade, the Socialists have attacked the PP for its “Franco heritage” with a profusion unimaginable in times of Philip Gonzalez.

Aznar adds: “Fraga was a politician with a great vocation, deeply reformist and modernizer. His contribution to the basic elements of the Spanish Transition, embodied in our Constitution of coexistence for all, were fundamental.”

Aznar’s words today have a lot to do with those of rubalcaba the day of Fraga’s death. That PSOE showed his “respect” in this way: “Democrats will always remember with gratitude his work as a constitutional speaker.”

He said Threshold that Fraga was “a politician in the augmentative” because he had room for all the rights: the Francoist right, the historical right, the democratic right and so on.

Aznar was in charge of forging the PP as the “common house” of that right; a job that his mentor was never able to complete, probably because of his career as a minister of the dictatorship. Fraga appeared up to four times for the presidency of the Government. He named Hernandez Mancha, what a failure. And then he chose Aznar.

The former president told EL ESPAÑOL: “Fraga was the founder of a great political force with strongly popular roots, essential for the existence of the Spanish center-right and for the stability and prosperity of our democracy. I had the satisfaction and honor of collecting his legacy, update it and take it to the top. You will always have my memory and admiration”. Fraga was the first person the then president received in Moncloa.

To press the shift of the new PSOE, it is necessary to transcribe the words of Jose Zaragozadeputy for Barcelona and Secretary of Organization of the PSC between 2004 and 2011: “The PP was not founded by a Francoist minister, it was founded by seven ministers of the murderous dictator Franco.”

Feijóo, for his part, was the first to open the tribute to the man who was also president of the Xunta between 1990 and 2005: he praised his “harmonic bilingualism” and praised the Fraga model to commit to implement it in the rest of Spain. The popular will laud his founder this Wednesday afternoon with an act in his native Villalba.

Light and darkness of Fraga

Fraga incarnated his first political positions from 1950. He was a professor of Political Law who rose rapidly through the ranks. From the very beginning, everything was a tug of war. A I open myselfbut I close.

His arrival on the front pages occurred with the appointment as Minister of Information and Tourism, in 1962. He would stay there until 1969 and, along the way, he would approve the so-called “press and printing law”.

Prior censorship ceased to exist, but censorship did not cease to exist. It was, according to what chroniclers recounted years later, as “a freedom of the press with chains.” He was very intelligent, Fraga, his adversaries also said. And he knew that the regime’s survival depended on its openness.

He combined the appearance of some very slight nudes on the movie screen with his command in the square in all the press headers. “With Fraga up to the panty”, they say that he said Gonzalez-Ruano in what became a popular expression.

With panties and bikinis exploded a boom tourism, which became one of the main sources of income. “Spain is different”, was the slogan chosen by the Fraga ministry. What few imagined was that they would see even Fraga’s own panties, submerged in dovecotes together with the United States ambassador to say that “there was no radiation” after the accident of that bomber loaded with hydrogen.

However, in parallel, Fraga exhibited authoritarian ways to control journalists. he resigned Miguel Delibes from the address of The North of Castile by way of criticism and was kidnapped ABC. Fraga, the opener, threatened newspaper directors in his office.

Jose Luis Cebrian Bonewho at the time was leading The quarterdeckwanted to launch an evening newspaper with the Luca de Tena. As it had turned out, in the eyes of Fraga, even more open-minded, he heard from the minister: “If you want to run a newspaper again, you will have to step over my corpse.” And Fraga’s body was –literally and figuratively– enormous. Cebrián himself told it in a recent interview with this newspaper.

That was Fraga in the sixties. The minister who opened and closed his hand. Everything depended on the prism with which the Galician was looked at. If it is done through the correspondence of another Galician, Camilo Jose Celawe obtain a different reality, which was basically the same.

Arias-Salgadothe minister prior to Fraga, had censured Sheaf of loveless fables. It was also kept short Beehive. With his new law, the later father of the Constitution called Cela for consultations, blessed his books and published them without reservation. Fraga was a Francoist, but “Picassian and Celian”.

In 1963, one of Fraga’s darkest episodes happened. He was imprisoned and sentenced to death Julian Grimau, a communist leader who had carried out police work during the war in the republican rear. The regime accused him “of crimes and torture” in front of a Czech in Barcelona.

There was an international uproar. The person in charge of defending and justifying the execution in the press conferences was Manuel Fraga, who came to refer to Grimau sarcastically as “that gentleman”. Jorge Semprun he wrote: “Fraga was one of the ministers who shot Grimau”.

In 1973, Franco appointed Fraga ambassador to the United Kingdom. It was there that the opening trend would begin to prevail in the character of the Galician, who revolted his fellow regime members with statements to the international media typical of a democrat.

Little by little, Fraga was turning himself into an English conservative. He to the point of leaning in public for a system other than that of Francoism. Fraga’s metamorphosis finds proof of his charge in these lines that he wrote Raphael Garcia SerranoFalangist and guardian of the old essences:

“It left me stunned. They have decided that it is necessary to go by force to another system. Is this Manuel Fraga who signs is my friend Manolo Fraga, whom I met when he was secretary of the Institute of Culture? Is he the one I have seen some time, not many, with a blue shirt and arm raised, exercising his functions as national delegate? The one of the formidable commemoration of the XXV Years of Peace?

Fraga returned to Spain to acquire higher responsibilities after Franco’s death. His name was in the pools of succession. Carlos Arias Navarro He appointed him Vice President and Head of the Interior (1975-1976). But at the command of that ministry he also alternated, as he had done in Information and Tourism, the opening and closing. “The street is mine”, he used to say. And on that street, five workers died at the hands of the police in what are known as the Vitoria events.

Fraga was decisive once the dictator died. Clandestinely, he met with Philip Gonzalez. He opted for the legalization of the Communist Party and supported a first amnesty. He was at the genesis of the founding of The country. Later, he was one of the constitutional rapporteurs. he hugged Santiago Carrillowhich had made a similar path to the other side, also with very dark spots.

When he realized that his career prevented him from being the leader of a democratic right, he appointed Aznar -after the failure of Hernández Mancha- and went to Galicia. There he reinvented himself as a sort of federalist-nationalist-moderate. In lay bishop. He ruled for three decades. He died in 2011 at the age of 89.

Source: Elespanol

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J. A. Allen

Author, blogger, freelance writer. Hater of spiders. Drinker of wine. Mother of hellions.

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