Bolsonaro, increasingly pressured and uncontrollable

Bolsonaro, increasingly pressured and uncontrollable

From Rio de Janeiro

Until a few days ago, Celso Campilongo, the director of the very traditional and centennial Faculty of Law of the University of São Paulo, was unknown outside the Brazilian legal circles. Well, he became known because in that capacity he had to publish a long manifesto written jointly by a wide range of lawyers, jurists and political leaders, defending – in broad terms, without mentioning any name, any party – the institutions, read, the Executive, Legislative and Judicial powers, with a certain emphasis on the electoral and democratic system born with the 1988 Constitution.

Campilongo admitted, when launching the text, on July 26, that he expected to achieve some 300 adhesions. Tremendous misunderstanding: in 24 hours the signatures already totaled one hundred thousand. And this past weekend they already exceeded the half-million mark.

As vague as the terms are – and it is worth reiterating: intentionally vague – the text fully reaches the liver of the unbalanced far-right president Jair Bolsonaro.

The very title of the document, written – according to the most common comments – not in the Portuguese spoken in Brazil, but in a rare and complex language called “juridiqués”, due to its eminently legal tone, is boringly broad: “Letter to Brazilian women and Brazilians in defense of the democratic rule of law”.

Summarizing: “Letter in defense of democracy”that is, against everything that Bolsonaro tries.

Among the subscribers there from bankers to former members of the Federal Supreme Court, from unions to the very powerful Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulofrom intellectuals and artists such as Chico Buarque and Caetano Veloso to former ministers of past governments, from university professors to students, and, of course, from the people.

It is known that massive written demonstrations do not have, not even remotely, the same effect as street demonstrations, which for now are summarized, in Brazil, by the defenders of Bolsonaro.

And that, if it can be considered that motorcycle parades bringing together four or six thousand people are “mass demonstrations”.

There are none of the opposition, for now thanks to the fear of the reaction of the large groups of armed henchmen, the so-called “militiamen”, mobilized by Bolsonaro and his troglodyte sons.

But that Letter had an immediate and forceful effect on the bizarre figure of the pathetic and dangerous far-rightist.

First, it became clear that the owners of the money, sheltered under the umbrella of the Brazilian Federation of Banks, are no longer with him.

Second, that a substantial agribusiness sector also jumped off the extreme right-wing ship – not for ideological and much less moral reasons, but out of sheer interest in defending their very well-nourished pockets.

And third, and perhaps more importantly, it is established that the support of Bolsonaro from right-wing political parties is increasingly oscillating, not to the taste of the wind, but of the benefits to be negotiated in terms of absolute urgency, before his defeat.

The far-right’s desperation grows, his imbalance is accentuated, and the clearer the panorama of his possible defeat becomes in a first round, the more attempts appear to preserve him from justice when he is expelled from the presidential chair.

In those days, the mobilization gained some strength so that the Congress, dominated – better said: literally rented, because in Brazil that wing is rented to anyone – by Bolsonaro try to approve a constitutional amendment that ensures, to all former presidents, a specific forum, by appointing them senators for life.

Something similar exists in Paraguay, something similar was imposed in Chile after the fall of the very bloodthirsty Augusto Pinochet.

In the Brazilian case, however, the shot could backfire.

It is that, without the immunities, Jair Bolsonaro will fall in the very, very slow Justice of First Instance, which could favor him.

Already with the immunity of senator for life, he will fall in the Federal Supreme Court, increasingly clearly outraged not only by his ferocious and daily attacks on democracy, but also by the purchase that he carries out to prevent any of the 147 requests for deposition comes out of the drawer of the very corrupt president of the Chamber of Deputies, Arthur Lira.

That is to say: if the future of my poor country continues more and more cloudy, that of the worst and most filthy president in Brazilian history becomes more and more clear.

Source: Pagina12

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