The second vice-president of the Government has been since the very day that the Official State Gazette (BOE) published the royal decree-Law 32/2021, of December 28, on urgent measures for labor reform, the guarantee of employment stability and the transformation of the market meeting with representatives of the parliamentary partners of the Executive. Essentially, with Esquerra and Bildu, “disappointed” with non-repeal.

But there has been no progress. Yolanda Diaz you don’t want to move a comma from the text. Gabriel Rufian Y Mertxe Aizpurua they respond that “it will never be approved like this”. And hence Pedro Sánchez and his Minister of the Presidency, Felix Bolanos, are waiting for the failure of the Diaz negotiation to call Ciudadanos.

This newspaper is in a position to affirm that the Liberals, although they are not comfortable with the reform as it is drafted, could you vote in the affirmative if the Government agrees to further negotiations. Above all, the introduction of the so-called austrian backpack in Spanish labor law.

The facts are these. The meetings, messages and video calls from Yolanda Díaz’s team to their counterparts on the pro-independence left are constant. Even on Three Kings’ Day there were conversations. But the conditions are unacceptable.

The conditions

In the meetings, the leaders of Esquerra have made two things known, according to details from Republican sources to this newspaper: the first, that There are four starting conditions without which “there is nothing to talk about”.

Namely: one, improve the situation of the ‘kelis’, the chambermaids whose lack of training, seasonal work and subcontracting “is not defended in this reform”; two, the turn of the processing salary (that is, what a dismissed worker received from the company while it was being decided in court whether the termination of his contract was legal or not); three, the improvement of severance pay (which before the reform of the PP reached 45 days per year worked and later remained at a maximum of 32); and four, a “deep” reform of the part time hiring.

The second caveat noted by Rufián and his chief negotiator, deputy Jordi Salvador, is that there will be more: its technical teams are reviewing the document point by point to expose your own alternative text.

Let us remember that it is a decree of 54 pages [consúltelo aquí en PDF]. And so complex that its review by the signing parties of the agreement, the social agents, delayed its publication in the BOE by 24 hours. Neither UGT and CCOO nor CEOE and Cepyme allowed the entry into force of the standard until check, comma by comma, that what was agreed was explicitly in its articles.

Hence, now both PSOE and United We Can insist that “the decree must be validated by Congress without touching a single comma“.

“But it is not a negotiation,” Esquerra sources explain to this newspaper, “the vice president and her representatives limit themselves to pressing with the false excuse that this is a better reform than that of the Popular Party in 2012.” According to an ERC spokeswoman, “if the vice president wants to get this agreement with the CEOE and Ciudadanos, she will have to explain to the kelis their reasons.”

Dinner with Aragonese

Last Wednesday, the president of the Generalitat traveled to Madrid. Pere Aragonès He offered a conference on his diagnosis of politics in Catalonia and with Catalonia at the Club Siglo XXI. This is a tradition among the tenants of the Palau de la Generalitat since the days of Jordi Pujol, which no one has missed. At the end of the event -which was attended by two ministers, the one for Territorial Policy, Elizabeth Rodriguez, and that of Universities, Joan Subirats-, Aragonès went to dinner with Vice President Díaz.

The meeting was relaxed according to sources from the environment of the president, but there were two causes of friction. The first, the feeling on the part of the pro-independence leader of a change in the commitment of United We Can with the sovereignist cause since the departure of paul churches. The second, the “disappointment” of the republicans with the modes of negotiation of the labor reform.

Aragonès supported Rufián and Salvador in their complaints. They complain that “in the nine months in which Labor negotiated with unions and businessmen, they never counted on us.” And that “democracy implies social agreements, but the representatives of the people, elected by them, are in Parliament“. That is, if the Government wants the ERC votes, “it will have to negotiate”, that is, give in to some of its claims.

Y hand in hand with ERC go the votes of EH-Bildu. Both formations have a parliamentary strategy agreement. The pact implies coordinated voting, except for purely territorial exceptions. And this is not the case, because the claims of the abertzales essentially coincide with those of Esquerra.

And it is that the demands of Esquerra had not been made explicit publicly until now. Only complaints about “bad business” which is “not counting on us for a decree and then asking us for a vote of adhesion”. However, Bildu has been the formation that has most clearly exposed its demands in public: the formation heir to Batasuna wants the return to 45 days per year worked in severance pay and the preference of the regional agreement over the state agreement (such as the PNV).

Citizens, waiting

Sources consulted in the Government flatly reject both claims. “The first is not on the table, nor has it been in the nine months of negotiation; it is not going to enter now.” And the second, “it is impossible” no matter how much co-governance Moncloa defends. Among other things, because it was the first thing he noticed Antonio Garamendi which would cause CEOE to leave the agreement.

In fact, Edmund Ball, Ciudadanos spokesman, shouts to the heavens. “The autonomic agreement would be to break the unity of the market in Spain, crazy,” he warns. And he adds: “The labor market is organized by production units, not by territories, it does not make any sense”.

The liberal leader claims to have received nothing but rumours, but no calls from the government. “It seems that Moncloa is interested in our votes, but they don’t show it.” Her boss, Ines Arrimadas, suggested this Monday that his party would be willing to negotiate “to prevent those who act against Spain from making this reform worse“.

And before Yolanda Díaz’s affirmation that Cs cannot enter this pact “because it goes against what they defend”, the orange formation has dusted off its 2016 agreement with the PSOE for the investiture of Pedro Sánchez, which practically traces what has now been approved [consúltelo aquí en PDF]. The socialists know it, and in fact that’s where it came from the intervention of Nadia Calviño in October, to achieve this goal.

“Things have changed, because six years have passed and a pandemic, that’s why we would like to introduce other measures,” explains Bal in conversation with this newspaper. But “for this to be a reform of Podemos, we hit a snag in the teeth,” Arrimadas clinches.

Now, the PSOE patiently awaits the two long weeks that remain until the decree is validated in Congress. With the objective that it does not have to be processed as a bill and is voted affirmatively, they have the option of Citizens in the chamber. “And besides, turning Cs into a useful and reliable partner can change a lot going forward“, predicts a high socialist leader.

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