As soon as he started, Iván Redondo takes out a queen and a pawn. He draws a parallel with metaphors of powers and shadows between the role played by advisers on the political board, which is not very well understood and he categorically states: “That’s what this interview is about.” Mark the line. And that is about the guest. But up to there he wants to command. Jordi Évole is somewhat puzzled and the viewer too. Like if you invite someone to dinner at your house and they get into the kitchen.
The same could have taken a Basque ball to throw against the wall. Because for an initial quarter of an hour, what Redondo dedicates himself to with the journalist is playing fronton. And as a Donostiarra, you know. Nobody beats him. Returns all. One is tempted to change the channel. But the intense and powerful previous promotion weighs in and you stay. Had he done so he would have lost the thriller based on an interrogation equivalent to the past of Keyser Söze (Kevin Spacey) in Usual suspects.
Évole has in front of a miura. He knows it and he fears it. At the moment he is not sure if he will be able to handle it. But he begins to struggle. Let’s see … This is how an hour goes by in which you never know how much lies and how much truth Redondo’s answers hide. The second part will come after the program. A week of speculation arrives, not only regarding his testimony but against it. He was the one who pulled the strings of the motion of censure against Mariano Rajoy. The man who helped Pedro Sánchez to conquer La Moncloa and stay there until he left the most intimate orbit of the president in the last government reshuffle. He had hardly spoken. Why now, that need to justify yourself? More when an excess of explanations can ruin what really happened. And what happened? For him to leave the Government, what failed?
You press La Sexta to find out and, an hour later, all are doubts. More doubts. Not because Redondo is a friend of Anglo-Saxon terms that he should translate –spin, inhouse—What the hell do they mean beyond taking the upper hand or being on the garlic? Nor because Évole did not ask the pertinent questions. But because he offers the most evasive answers. Still, revelations remain. Keys, too. For example, that on the day that Murcia’s motion of censure was decided – a seismic movement in the Mediterranean that caused its earthquake in Madrid with the call for elections by Díaz Ayuso – Redondo was already out of the game. , oblivious to the decisive strategies of the hard core.
That is what he can boast about: that was a disaster. Not on the other hand, the decision to repeat the elections in 2019 to promote a weakening of the left and a dark rise of Vox. Redondo is not responsible for the phrase that still weighs on Sánchez regarding Pablo Iglesias: “I would not sleep peacefully …”. And it looks like something had to do with it. Mystery … It is also worth considering after this appearance if the president now placidly hits an eye with Redondo outside La Moncloa.
A cold scene
Évole chose a set as a prison parlor. Also a slum where gambling dens are organized to play poker. Gray surroundings, cold light, a chromatic winter conducive to a cold, raw and elusive examination of power. Redondo is ambiguous and calculating. But it incurs contradictions. Évole, distant and serious. Although he cannot help but show despair in the face of a constant shrinking of spaces. In the final stretch, the journalist does very well to make it clear that he is not convinced. Desperately and cleverly stands next to the viewer to disguise the impossibility of wringing few reliable things from him.
As for himself, Redondo builds his own story that makes water. However, he is accurate, sincere and decisive when speaking of others. He predicts that Yolanda Díaz’s project, with another new platform, will get more votes than Iglesias. That Pablo Casado will come to stand in the elections and that Pedro Sánchez will be the one who has the most probability of winning them.
Did they kick him out or did he leave? This is what Évole asks. Redondo assures that he wanted to leave. Also that two emissaries outside the Government, common friends of the president and his, tried to convince him. To find an accommodation for you. Évole asks who. He refuses to reveal it. He does not say it, but, well, he tells it. The bets are on to find out the names. Minister? “I’ve never wanted to take that leap,” he says. He would throw himself into the ravine with the president, Redondo affirmed in the courts. “Yes, but with a parachute,” he clarifies now. The parting was tense, as he points out. He ended with a handshake, not a hug. What was the tension caused by? What did he refuse to continue or what did the president consciously want to sacrifice him, as he did with Carmen Calvo and José Luis Ábalos? “We are in contact,” he assures. Up to what point? How often? It does not respond.
As for his ideology: “That of my generation,” he says. What does that mean? Although Évole asks him who the real Iván Redondo is, if that of a xenophobic video to help Xavier Albiol win the mayor of Badalona or that of the Open Arms collecting immigrants in the Mediterranean, Redondo whistles. It goes off on a tangent. He is a professional. Back on the market, the deals God knows where they will come from. Or what will he want to play as a consultant in the future, if to build leaders of reliable wood or populist scrap metal. We may not be facing more than a narcissus equivalent to Dominic Cummings who sought to destroy Europe and for now is on his way only to have contributed to sink the United Kingdom after the Brexit catastrophe. A personality so devious that he ends up drowning in his own strategies. Although some party, you can also get something from them.
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