If it is to show greater gestural intensity, the Government took note.

The question is whether it takes the actions that the short and long term require, apart from calling Cabinet meetings very early or appearing with one announcement per day.

As can be seen from the ruling party itself, in off, it is difficult for any measure to have an effect on votes during the discount period until November.

But, even for the immediate view, it would be better if in addition to meeting with the friendly and antagonistic big men, it is done with actors of the popular economy, of SMEs, of production that can generate jobs in a relatively fast or stimulating way.

It is not just a question of effectiveness. Showing that it is also driven from below is necessary to move to discouraged bases, if it is to renew enthusiasm or, at least, concerns.

In that short term, in addition, the Government patched up its post-electoral crisis through a solution that, after losing all its figures and internal lines, was based on reaching a consensus on a new cabinet.

They all yielded.

The President had to accept variants that he wanted to leave for November.

Cristina imposed the image of obtaining changes, but, by far, all changes are to her liking.

The Cámpora and the suburbs reluctantly agreed, for being pious, formulas that eventually enable greater … territorial enthusiasm.

Did Cristina lower flags for the sake of pragmatism? Did the President “outsource” the management? Massa is in complicated catholes because, as it was exhibited, he no longer contributes votes?

Those, and so many more like that, are questions that do not affect the imperative of the Frente de Todos relaunches its identity instead of presenting itself only as an anti-macrista coalition.

Being repetitive for the umpteenth opportunity: with which protagonists of what productive and distributive scheme will this relaunch be?

Is it with a statist economy directed by which cadres, under what correlation of forces is it real or to promote? Is it with the private sector as the driving force and, if so, with whom from there? Is it inevitably an agro-export exit to get foreign exchange that, “apart” from the shadowy debt with the IMF left by Macri, are always the bottleneck every time the economy recovers or grows? To mention, megamining and Vaca Muerta yes or no with what specifications? What is done in synthesis with the so-called Hidrovía and with a country with thousands of kilometers of maritime coastline, without a fishing policy that is not to contemplate the predation of others? Are conditions imposed or negotiated towards which objective? The only study material is how to solve the financial dimension of the problems?

None of this is clear, or it will be that they do not want to assume the ideological cost of facing it.

And meanwhile, there are concurrent signs of boastful and disgruntled opposition.

The brutal entry of the City Police into Villa 31, without prior notice, to a pure bulldozer, against 80 women and 175 boys who had been there since last July demanding a place to live, was while the Buenos Aires government was asked to open a dialogue table to find a solution, even partial, to the drama of vulnerability suffered by these families.

As Laura Vales underlined in her impeccable chronicle of the event, in PageI12, the eviction was ordered hours before the macrismo approved, in the Legislature, the construction of eleven luxury towers. A real estate megabusiness for the benefit of the more affluent sectors of society.

And since we are, it was also simultaneously with the scandalous approval of a law that allows the Superior Court of Justice of the City to review any sentence, of any jurisdiction, issued by the national Justice.

It is, simply, a Buenos Aires institutional uprising, which fits perfectly with guaranteeing the impunity of Macri and the Socma Group in the Correo Argentino case, after the prosecutor Gabriela Boquín detected an endless list of irregularities and the judge Marta Cirulli ordered their bankruptcy.

Even if that little detail was not contemplated, We are witnessing an episode without antecedents because it crosses every imaginable line on the part of those who claim to be guarantors of the Republic: a municipal court, coincidentally with a majority of magistrates related to Macri and Larreta, receives powers to place itself above national rulings.

It is not supposed that this indescribable jerk is going to cross the barrier of the Supreme Court, because even the interim attorney, Eduardo Casal, has already pointed out that the supreme porteños are not competent over national courts.

But that is not the issue.

The issue is the symbolic – more concrete, as in the case of the bulldozers in the town – of the devastating pretenses that the opposition has after the electoral result.

Things can not be scattered, except living in a thermos or, understandably, if they prevent seeing them or promote disinterest the economic anguish of a country with around 40 percent of its population mired in poverty. And with more than one in 10 inhabitants in a condition of indigence.

Is it isolated from those pretenses that the neo-combatant Heidi warns that they will go for the presidency of the Deputies, because – he said – it is about stopping Kirchnerism at any rate?

Is a saying of this nature only because, in the City, the changelings need not to lose more votes towards the “libertarian” character who is against abortion even in cases of rape of minors?

No. It is that they take advantage of the situation picture to finish damaging the Government.

It does not matter (to them) that, in their hands of return due to destabilization or in 2023, it would be impossible to apply the ideology of the program executed between 2015/2019. The one they need to hide, and that’s why they don’t speak a word of economics. The one that would set Argentina on fire again in terms similar to 2001, dragging them too. And the one who, precisely for that very reason, is looked upon with suspicion at the IMF, on Wall Street, in all areas of the large local and international corporations.

¿What is the leadership seriousness of this right that preps to go for everything? They are asked in the forums of real power that are not precisely those in which opinions or vomits with extreme ease are asked.

In a challenging article published by his Nodal agency, Pedro Brieger points out that the negative electoral results are an example of the difficulty that the ruling classes had to locate themselves in time and space, forced to manage the unknown.

Citizens – “the people,” rather – demanded quick answers even if there were none, and ended up punishing at the polls those who could not provide the calm they were anxiously seeking.

The Fernández government suffered a severe defeat in the primaries, in the face of an opposition that ruthlessly criticized the handling of the health crisis. And the pandemic allowed an unusual aggressiveness to those who had left power shortly before, as if it had had an anesthetic effect to cover or erase the four years of the macrista government.

“Memory trapped 2020 and 2021, merged them into one and relegated Mauricio Macri’s negative experience to a distant time, almost as if it had not existed and as if all the ills of the country were the result of the government of (the) Fernández” .

To all (the officialisms), Brieger also indicates, it has been very difficult for them to understand how frustration, pain, uncertainty, the feeling of the end of the world, confinement, boredom, sadness, isolation, breakdown of family ties, emotional changes, they affect politics in general and voting in particular.

The opposition does nothing more than ride on this horrible, exhausting dialectic, with no other reason than speculative. Political life is like that, with the prevention of not entering the miserable antipolitical discourse of those who politicize every gesture, every delusion, every perfectly acted statement.

Does it give to complain and do catharsis?

Yes, but great leaders, not great leaders, do more than cry over spilled milk.

Neither the urgency nor the long reach of the Government goes through continuing to explain who Macri is, nor what Macrismo is, because those who vote and could vote for the Frente de Todos know very well. It is already infumable – and useless, as the polls advanced – that the exclusive story lies in where we come from. It is one thing for it to be fundamental, and quite another for it to be the only thing.

What would be needed is for the Front to better demonstrate who they are, in the direction of another model.

A model that, at least, teaches with some measure, with some disobedient epic, which is not to continue having the happy million friends.

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