The provincial origins of Madrid phobia

Ximo Puig it is the symbol of a provincial left that drags contempt for Madrid. It is not just that the PSOE has been away from power in the region since it left Joaquin Leguina. It is that they are already the third political force after Más Madrid and, at the same time, the sanchismo must win the sympathy of the nationalists. Madrid phobia is a profitable discourse in those regions that, instead of looking out to compete and grow, are measured only with Madrid.

The idea of ​​the socialists, applauded by the nationalists, is that Madrilenians pay more taxes than the rest of Spaniards. The reason is that the liberal policy in that region is more successful and practical than the statist and patronizing of the protesting autonomies. It does not matter that it is a model of imitable growth or that the Madrid region is the one that contributes the most to the common fund.

What is relevant for the provincial is hate speech because he believes that it mobilizes his own. It’s the same as always move emotions against someone outside to hide failure in inner management.

The same happens with the claim of the nationalists to manage the MIR. The reason for requesting it is that, in recent years, among the first 15 students in the class, 13 chose Madrid to do their preparation. It’s more, every year about 10,000 young people from all over Spain go to universities in the region, a human capital that these autonomies do not know how to retain.

To this is added the economic model of Madrid. The region does not spend on state structures, as embassies, nor in building a particular nation or in imposing a minority language. Nor does it dedicate public money to creating a client network, as in Catalonia, nor does it have a quota like the Basque Country.

And despite that it grows more than any.

Madrid has not spent billions in the nationalist immersion nor has it expelled companies and human capital

Madrid It has surpassed in two decades all the other autonomies in GDP per capita and in regional GDP, going from fifth place in the 80s to first since 2018. And it has done so by lowering taxes. It’s the Laffer curve. By reducing the tax burden, more is collected because you attract investment, which creates employment and wealth. Easy.

This is not supported by leftist statists and nationalists. Catalan citizens, for example, support 70% more tax pressure than Madrid, but the difference is that Madrid has not spent billions in the nationalist immersion nor has it expelled companies and human capital.

It is a different and open model, with success, and this generates envy and resentment. Let’s look at some examples.

Miguel Angel Revilla, president of Cantabria, said he did not want people from Madrid to go to his region to vacation. He was not the only one. Then they rectified, but the damage had already been done.

The Castilian-La Mancha president, Emiliano Garcia-Page, which owes Madrid several hundred million euros for the transport and health services that the community provides to its citizens, spoke of the people of Madrid as a “viral bomb.” It was ridiculous, because at the time he said this he was paying for advertising in the Madrid metro so that the inhabitants of the capital could make their vacations in Castilla-La Mancha.

Until Rafael Simancas placeholder image, today Secretary of State with a salary of more than 200,000 euros a year and a failed socialist candidate in the region, linked the people of Madrid with the Covid-19. The socialist said that if Madrid were not in Spain, the pandemic would not have been so powerful.

Some even said that they would leave the region if the PP won, but they have not moved yet

The new government delegate in Madrid, Mercedes Gonzalez, insulted the people of Madrid for the electoral result of 4-M. He said he had won the “Madrid of swimming pools.” She lives in an urbanization with a swimming pool in the town of Majadahonda.

It was not the only one in the PSOE, who filled Madrid with insults for voting for the PP, as did many like-minded journalists. Some even said that they would leave the region if the PP won, but still hasn’t moved.

After the 4-M elections, the Madrilenian was for the left and the nationalists an unsupportive face that lived from the rest of the country and whose behavior prevented a progressive Spain. The stereotype of the Madrilenian was that of a person with a bracelet with the flag of Spain, macho, right-wing and centralist. Until Gerard Piqué, promoter of the Davis Cup, put up some signs that read: “In Madrid we are on the right and on the wrong side.”

This mixture of prejudice and envy is not new. Comes from afar. The regenerationism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries established the idea, clearly false, that the problem in Spain was Castile. In the Castilian spirit, in its customs and culture, even in what some called imperialism, was the origin of the ills of Spain. Miguel de Unamuno Y José Ortega y Gasset they pointed to Castilla and, of course, to Madrid.

This was joined by nationalism. Sabino AranaAs racist as he was sexist, he wrote against the Spanish and, in general, the Castilians. In degradation he compared the foreigners with animals and blamed all kinds of vices and violence on them. It said that the Castilians, in reference to hygiene, had seen water for the last time at baptism.

This is reminiscent of the insults you wrote Chem Roast, the former president of the Generalitat, speaking of the Spanish as “beasts with human form.” It should be noted that with Spanish people did not refer to the peninsular inhabitants of other nations, like Basques or Navarrese. It is the fixation with Castilla.

Life was in the provinces, while in Madrid idlers and lazy people who lived off the rest of Spain met. All the vices were in the capital, while in the country there were the virtues.

That of the Hispanists is a guild that can only prosper in a country with complexes

Blasco IbáñezAmong others, he recounted in his novels that those who marched to the city ended up contaminated with their false and immoral life. It was a very conservative thought, which despised the advances that broke the traditions and that questioned the local and provincial oligarchy. It was a peasant and rural thought, for example in Galicia and Andalusia, where landowners were absentistas. They lived the luxury and leisure of the big city at the expense of those who worked their land.

Valentine Almirall wrote against Madrid in his Spain as it is (1886), which is a collection of insults from moral superiority and resentment for his personal political failure. In Madrid there were the officials, he said, that useless class product of the employment mania, who had arrived at that situation through the most ignoble customs.

That was Madrid: the city of vices that lived at the expense of other people’s work. It was the substrate on which that other fallacy of the Spain robs us with which Jordi Pujol he hid his organized robbery.

That mantra that Spain’s problem is Castile and, consequently, Madrid, has also been repeated by Hispanists, a union that can only prosper in a country with complexes. Edward Baker, in its Cosmopolitan Madrid. The Gran Vía, 1910-1935 (2008), relates the supposed failure of the liberal State in Spain with the Castilian hegemony, whose reflection would be the mediocrity of Madrid as a European metropolis.

It is the continuation of the nonsense of Manuel Azana, the one that the capital was a “town of La Mancha”.

Madrileñophobia is a prejudice mounted on a falsehood. A contempt that would not be tolerated if it were to Barcelona, ​​Bilbao, Valencia or Seville. In reality, It is the sign of an impotence and an inferiority complex. A complete ignorance of the country. Especially when the Madrid region has been created by those from the provinces.

*** Jorge Vilches is professor of History of Thought at the Complutense University and author of the book ‘La tentación totalitaria’.


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