Chile Fuimos and the debacle of the institutional right

The results of the presidential primary on Sunday, July 18 in Chile did not leave anyone indifferent, since they are not only historic for being the primary with the highest number of votes ever before (3,143,006), but also for the enormous triumph of the pact of the left I Approve Dignidad, over the pact of the right Chile Vamos, where the candidate of the Broad Front, Gabriel Boric, won over the candidate of Chile Digno, Daniel Jadue, reaching 60% of the preferences.

The interesting thing about all this is that the winning candidate from the right was the independent Sebastián Sichel, who came out third in the total vote and above the candidates of the traditional political parties of the conservative world (UDI, RN and Evópoli). which can be read as a defeat that goes far beyond what is strictly electoral, but rather as part of an ongoing constitutional and dismissal process, which is changing the political culture in Chile.

Hence, with the revolt of 2019, Chile began a political process without turning back, which is transforming the institutional foundations of neoliberalism of the last 30 years, where the ruling political class was subordinated for decades to the idea of ​​the end of history. by Francis Fukuyama, which was perfect for maintaining Pinochet’s 1980 subsidiary constitution.

That is why the results of this presidential primary are nothing more than the continuation of the previous elections, as was the overwhelming 80% in favor of a new constitution, the election of constituents, mayors and councilors, as well as regional governors, where the right only removed one person chosen in the entire country.

In other words, we are in a historical and unprecedented moment in Chile, where the possibility that two candidates from the left or progressive will pass to the second presidential round, leaving the right out of the election, becomes a perfectly possible scenario in the current context.

In the event that this happens, it would put an end to ideas coming from the most conservative and right-wing world, such as that Chile is polarized, as has happened in other countries in the region, where ideological binarism has deepened. In other words, leaving behind the idea that an important sector in the country does not want structural transformations in the prevailing market model.

From the conservative world, it can be said that with this decline of the institutional right, the explicitly Pinochetist and denial ultra-right will be strengthened, represented by the candidate of the Republican Party, José Antonio Kast, close to Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro, but it is very difficult that it manages to grow a lot, in a context as politicized as that of today’s Chile, where social movements are the ones that are setting the times and the agenda.

Likewise, there is not much that neo-fascist, national-libertarian, racist, conspiracyist, homophobic, patriarchal, anarcho-capitalist sectors can grow either, where their main spokespersons are characters such as the constituent María Teresa Marinovic, the economist Axel Kaiser, the ideologist Alexis López, the activist Sebastián Izquierdo, the opinionologist Fernando Villegas and organizations such as the Fundación para el Progreso, Fundación Nueva Mente, Partido Libertario, Movimiento Social Patriota (MSP), Partido Fuerza Nacional, Radio Agricultura, El Líbero, Revolutionary Capitalism, Movement We Still Have a Homeland, Association for the Peace and Reconciliation in La Araucanía (APRA), among others.

I propose this, since its approaches focused on the defense of the homeland, the family, private property, freedom of consumption, progress, order, the politically incorrect, the extreme defense of Western civilization, and that in a way paranoid we would find ourselves in a communist invasion, led by Cuba, Venezuela, the UN and China, even in Chile it has not had the support it has had in other countries, despite the context of a pandemic, which has facilitated the appearance of these groups fanatics.

This is not about trusting and assuming that these fundamentalist groups cannot expand further in Chile or that the same institutional right cannot reorganize itself again, which will surely do so to continue representing the large economic groups and the ruling military caste. who know that with this constituent process they will inevitably lose power and privileges.

Nor is it that he or the new president of Chile, just because he comes from the world of progressivism or the left, will be enough to make the transformations that Chile needs, since it will be a position in transition, due to the fact that Its role itself will depend on what the constituent power decides, through the Constitutional Convention, where the discussion on the presidential regime and the possibility that the presidential figure loses power will be fundamental for the future of the person who is elected to the year 2022.

The fundamental thing, therefore, is to read the historical moment in which we find ourselves as a country, which is generating an unprecedented and very rapid cultural change in Chile, thanks to the popular revolt and the ongoing constituent process, which is generating consequences. not only in this current presidential juncture, through the debacle of the institutional right, but in all areas, since it is only one part of something much deeper that is being collectively woven.

Andrés Kogan Valderrama

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