The lesser evil as doctrine

Putting luminous signs on Javier Prado avenue against communism is not exactly a foolproof idea. It is like taking sand to the beach. Unless the strategy is, effectively, to consolidate an already conversational base stuck in traffic.

The point is that the chosen medium, scandalous as well as redundant, becomes burdensome, arrogant and desperate. You run the risk of sowing fatigue among convictions already beaten by the pandemic.

Then the adversary, and the outraged society who live in the networks, turn the issue into another symbol of inequality. The initiative becomes a meme, a digital version of a shotgun that shoots from the butt.

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That said, the superficiality of political correctness is always surprising. While the issue of the panels is denounced as practically vexatious of the dignity of Peruvians, the same level of alert and rejection of a very serious possibility that looms in the near future is not registered in those complaints: the arrival of pro-senderista elements to the can. Worrying about a panel instead of the allegedly Senderista presence in Congress is meekly suicidal myopia.

This is not about terruqueo, but about DIRCOTE files and ongoing legal proceedings. Terruqueo is something else. It is the despicable and fallacious use of the subversive epithet as a tool for political disqualification. Fujimori used it, it was used in the campaign, even against the current president. The abuse of the term trivializes it, stripping it of the gravity of what it really means.

So there is now a blind spot regarding a real threat. Terrocking and terrorism are mixed in an amorphous and reckless way as equivalents. Complaints supported by factual facts are taken as hysterical, or exclusive to a social group. Sendero did not discriminate like this when it came to killing: from the peasant to the businessman, everyone was the enemy. Starting with a silly democracy that doesn’t learn about the scorpion and the frog. Maria Elena Moyano’s son picked up her phone and reminded us what this is about.

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With this, Mr. Castillo is not accused of anything, except for the indications of being a benign shell before the Movadef with a catalog of speeches tailored to the audience. It has absorbed the discomfort and real disappointment of a sector of the population, but it is a shell, after all. Inside that container, in addition to seditious elements, nests that retrograde delirium that is Cerronismo. The problem is that not even the shell is enough.

Without equipment, without proposals, without clarity, and in partnership with these two toxic forces, the idealized figure of the well-meaning professor is the chronicle of an announced disaster. It confirms the programmatic orphanhood, lethal in times of pandemic, the reiterated and empty formula of the candidate to solve each urgent problem in the country:

I will consult with the people.

To which is added, by the own mouth of someone who boasts of being a teacher, the end of the Constitutional Court, the Ombudsman and other institutions that watch over the rights of the citizen. A transversal barbarity for the entire political spectrum.

None of the above, that is the dilemma, redeems the candidate Fujimori. The voters who do not want to vote self-destructively – the undecided – continue to wait for some credible signal beyond those generated by their own survival instinct as a country.

From the lesser evil we have gone to the less worse, excuse the smallness.

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